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.com: Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017 Audible Audio Edition: Ian Black, Michael Page, Tantor Audio: Books

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Ed documents to oral histories to his own vivid on the ground reporting to recreate the major milestones in the most polarizing conflict of the modern age from both sides In the third year of World War I the seed was planted for an inevitable clash Jerusalem Governor Izzat Pasha surrendered to British troops and Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour issued a fateful document sympathizing with the establishment of a national. Terrible book I couldn't finish it I was looking for an unbiased honest narrative of the horrible situation in Israel and the West Bank There are faults on both sides too many and too much time has passed for me to be fully knowledgeable that is why I chose to read this bookA critic was uoted as saying this was the most fair and unbiased report available Heshe needs to look into a new living Either that or this person is of the same political and ethnic background as the author Everything possible that has happened in the last 4000 years in every way has been the fault of the JewsIsraelis The author has twisted actual facts and historical beliefs to fit his obvious malice Like I said I couldn't finish the book but I read many statements from other readers and saw no reason to believe he changed his tune I only wish I had read them before I purchased the book

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Home for the Jewish people The chronicle takes us through the Arab rebellion of the 1930s; the long shadow of the Nazi Holocaust; the war of 1948 culminating in Israel's independence and the Palestinian Nakba catastrophe; the cursed victory of the Six Day War of 1967 and the Palestinian re awakening; the first and second Intifadas; the Oslo Accords; and other failed peace negotiations and continued violence up to 2017. Great historical details thorough informative

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In Enemies and Neighbors Ian Black who has spent over three decades covering events in the Middle East and is currently a fellow at the London School of Economics offers a major new history of the Arab Zionist conflict from 1917 to today Laying the historical groundwork in the final decades of the Ottoman Era when the first Zionist settlers arrived in the Holy Land Black draws on a wide range of sources from declassifi. Ian Black’s Enemies and Neighbors is an unsubstantiated character attack on Israel’s JewsMr Black does not air his opinions expressly But his history of the Israeli Palestinian conflict subtly champions the radical Palestinian narrative In the process the author does not merely criticize particular Israeli government policies He condemns Israel as a whole and traces its supposed crimes to the Jews who predated the country’s founding Meanwhile his habit of displaying anti Israeli viewpoints from both Arabs and Jews is no substitute for political neutralityAny fair summary of the Israeli Palestinian struggle would understandably include uotes from Palestinian extremists who hate Jews But Black incorporates so much anti Semitic invective so emphatically and uncritically that he crosses the line from observer to enabler of their anti Semitic causeThe officially recognized definition of anti Semitism was established by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance IHRA and adopted by 31 countries including the US Canada and 24 EU member states The following recites four of the IHRA illustrations of anti Semitism and then lists the passages of Enemies and Neighbors that fit those descriptions“CALLING FOR AIDING OR JUSTIFYING THE KILLING OR HARMING OF JEWS IN THE NAME OF A RADICAL IDEOLOGY OR AN EXTREMIST VIEW OF RELIGION1 When Mr Black explains the cause of the Israeli Palestinian dispute he relies mainly on the statements of hardline Palestinians For example he highlights a PLO manifesto that branded Zionism “a colonialist movement ‘aggressive and expansionist racist and segregationalist fascist in its means and aims’” p 175 When exploring solutions to the longstanding feud Black again spotlights pro Palestinian extremists For example he focuses on a Palestinian faction that strives to “‘liberate the whole of Palestine and destroy the colonialist Zionist occupation state’” p 173 As the author reemphasizes these militant Palestinian declarations he implicitly endorses them as the correct views of the conflict when they are really just ideological pretexts for annihilating Israel’s Jews2 Black consistently describes terrorism in the sympathetic terms of “resistance” eg pp 177 216 365 391 Nowhere does he acknowledge that the widespread murder for political gain was illegal or immoral or that it persistently frustrated Israeli Palestinian peace talks3 Mr Black is so eager to magnify the Palestinian fanatic’s rationale for killing Jews that he recycles misconceptions of law For example Black uotes a Palestinian professor who said Palestinian terrorists “were justified in refusing to distinguish between civilian and military targets ” p 221 In an armed conflict the rule of “distinction” between civilian and military targets is a fundamental reuirement of international humanitarian law Further amplifying the illegitimate theme the author uotes a Hamas militant who believes Palestinians have the “right” to inflict car bombings on Jewish civilians p 331 Another unlawful excuse for violence is heralded by an unnamed Palestinian “writer” who believed Egypt should attack Israel to “break ‘Israeli arrogance’ and bring peace” p 231 Article 24 of the UN Charter prohibits a UN member state such as Egypt from using force against another member state such as Israel4 Mr Black lionizes Yasser Arafat by saying he was associated with a “myth of heroism and survival” p 192 He utters not a word of reproach for Arafat’s four decade reign of anti Israeli terrorism Elsewhere the author relates the words of a “Palestinian admirer” to glorify another Palestinian terrorist leader p 283MAKING MENDACIOUS DEHUMANIZING DEMONIZING OR STEREOTYPICAL ALLEGATIONS ABOUT JEWS AS SUCH OR THE POWER OF JEWS AS COLLECTIVE CONTROLLERS OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS1 Many individuals uoted in Mr Black’s book demonize Zionism Jewish nationalism as a brutally militant movement that “expelled” the Arab population of Mandatory Palestine eg pp 34 43 46 62 3 100 116 136 170 197 210 Black pushes the expulsion point aggressively even after admitting there was no “formal policy” or “high level political discussion” to expel Arabs pp 116 128 Jewish military commanders expelled tens of thousands but not hundreds of thousands of the approximately 700000 Arabs who left the domain that became Israel and the commanders did so in lawful defense against a genocidal Arab invasion The 160000 Arabs who preferred peaceful coexistence and remained in their communities received Israeli citizenship and elected Arab representatives to Israel’s first Knesset parliament2 In Black’s attempt to authenticate his expulsion story he cites the “monumental work” of a Palestinian historian Arif al Arif pp 131 32 The related footnote cites to al Arif’s publication “Nakbat Bayt al Madis w'al Firdaus al mafoud” However a Google search reveals the “monumental work” is not available at com any bookstore or any American library3 Black dehumanizes Israeli Jews by uoting observers who say “the Israelis want war” p 307 and their leadership is “incapable of departing from the logic of war’” p 225 He echoes the point when recounting the 1991 arrest of a Palestinian named Sari Nusseibeh Black describes Nusseibeh as an impliedly moderate and “bookish professor” pp 274 309 According to Black the criminal charge against Nusseibeh spying was so dubious that it was “widely seen as a message to Palestinian moderates to forget about negotiations with Israel” p 309 Here the author conceals two facts First Nusseibeh was no moderate He was a political leader of the First Intifada a four year wave of Palestinian riots against Israel Second the statement that “Palestinian moderates can forget about negotiations” was voiced by Saeb Erekat a leading Palestinian negotiator It was not a “widely seen message” as the author contends4 One of Black’s inflammatory rants alleges that Palestinians in a certain village were “tortured by the Israelis” p 342 However the accompanying footnote fails to corroborate any torture It merely cites to an online Palestinian magazine interview with a Palestinian who said he had seen the “empty cells” where torture had supposedly taken place A judge would disallow Black’s testimony as double hearsay non probative and prejudicial5 Black asserts that in the 1967 war Israeli soldiers looted Palestinian homes p 188 But the underlying footnote lists an inactive website which redirects to a page saying “This site can’t be reached”6 Exploiting the stereotype that Jews have big noses Black uotes an unnamed Arab who recognized Jewish men by their “fat auiline features” p 51DENYING THE JEWISH PEOPLE THEIR RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION EG BY CLAIMING THAT THE EXISTENCE OF A STATE OF ISRAEL IS A RACIST ENDEAVOR1 Mr Black denies the Jewish right of self determination by labeling the Balfour Declaration an “injustice” p 219 The Balfour Declaration was the seminal British government pronouncement of 1917 that prompted the establishment of the State of Israel On another page Black asserts that “Israel’s independence meant ‘occupation’ for the Arabs” p157 The unfounded implication is that Israel's birth was a wrongful act2 Some anti Semites oppose Jewish self determination by pretending Jews lack a history in Palestine Black uotes a Palestinian poet who called the Jews “foreigners who had no roots in Palestine” p 197 Ironically the Jews are the only surviving indigenous people of Palestine Arab armies did not invade the region until over 1600 years after the Jews had already formed the ancient Kingdom of Israel3 Some negate Israel’s right to exist by saying the advent of Jewish statehood did harm than good Black indulges this myth by uoting an Israeli military “commander” named Mordechai Bar On Bar On said “the tragedy of the Palestinian refugees would not have occurred had the Zionists never arrived in Palestine” p130 In fact the tragedy would not have occurred had the Palestinians never waged war on their Jewish neighbors But the uote is insidious for another reason Bar On was not significant for his military service – most Israeli citizens are subject to conscription but for his later position as a leader of Peace Now a pro Palestinian lobby group Therefore Bar On’s comment on the refugees reflected a Palestinian position not an Israeli military view as Black would have us believe4 Black also implies Israel is inherently racist For example he falsely states that “Palestinian suffering flowed from the very fact of their being Palestinian” p 231 Even absurd the author suggests the popular Israeli anthem “Jerusalem of Gold” was racist because Israel’s Arabs “did not appear anywhere” in the song p 186DRAWING COMPARISONS OF CONTEMPORARY ISRAELI POLICY TO THAT OF THE NAZIS1 Mr Black believes Israeli policies towards Palestinians during the 1947 1948 war emulated Hitler’s treatment of Jews during the Holocaust One passage for example euates the expulsion of Arabs from Palestine with the expulsion of Jews from Ukraine p 145 In reality Jews were the innocent parties at both stages of history The Nazis implemented a plan of genocide against the Jews of Europe and the Jews of Palestine defended themselves from a plan of genocide by Arabs2 A similar anecdote wrongly juxtaposes the silent shame of expelled Palestinians with the grief of Holocaust survivors pp 157 58I don’t know if Ian Black is an anti Semite But his book gives anti Semitism a big boost Swimming to the Moon just ideological pretexts for annihilating Israel’s Jews2 Black consistently describes terrorism in the sympathetic terms of “resistance” eg pp 177 216 365 391 Nowhere does he acknowledge that the widespread murder for political gain was illegal or immoral or that it persistently frustrated Israeli Palestinian peace talks3 Mr Black is so eager to magnify the Palestinian fanatic’s rationale for killing Jews that he recycles misconceptions of law For example Black uotes a Palestinian professor who said Palestinian terrorists “were Stir It Up justified in refusing to distinguish between civilian and military targets ” p 221 In an armed conflict the rule of “distinction” between civilian and military targets is a fundamental reuirement of international humanitarian law Further amplifying the illegitimate theme the author uotes a Hamas militant who believes Palestinians have the “right” to inflict car bombings on Jewish civilians p 331 Another unlawful excuse for violence is heralded by an unnamed Palestinian “writer” who believed Egypt should attack Israel to “break ‘Israeli arrogance’ and bring peace” p 231 Article 24 of the UN Charter prohibits a UN member state such as Egypt from using force against another member state such as Israel4 Mr Black lionizes Yasser Arafat by saying he was associated with a “myth of heroism and survival” p 192 He utters not a word of reproach for Arafat’s four decade reign of anti Israeli terrorism Elsewhere the author relates the words of a “Palestinian admirer” to glorify another Palestinian terrorist leader p 283MAKING MENDACIOUS DEHUMANIZING DEMONIZING OR STEREOTYPICAL ALLEGATIONS ABOUT JEWS AS SUCH OR THE POWER OF JEWS AS COLLECTIVE CONTROLLERS OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS1 Many individuals uoted in Mr Black’s book demonize Zionism Jewish nationalism as a brutally militant movement that “expelled” the Arab population of Mandatory Palestine eg pp 34 43 46 62 3 100 116 136 170 197 210 Black pushes the expulsion point aggressively even after admitting there was no “formal policy” or “high level political discussion” to expel Arabs pp 116 128 Jewish military commanders expelled tens of thousands but not hundreds of thousands of the approximately 700000 Arabs who left the domain that became Israel and the commanders did so in lawful defense against a genocidal Arab invasion The 160000 Arabs who preferred peaceful coexistence and remained in their communities received Israeli citizenship and elected Arab representatives to Israel’s first Knesset parliament2 In Black’s attempt to authenticate his expulsion story he cites the “monumental work” of a Palestinian historian Arif al Arif pp 131 32 The related footnote cites to al Arif’s publication “Nakbat Bayt al Madis w'al Firdaus al mafoud” However a Google search reveals the “monumental work” is not available at com any bookstore or any American library3 Black dehumanizes Israeli Jews by uoting observers who say “the Israelis want war” p 307 and their leadership is “incapable of departing from the logic of war’” p 225 He echoes the point when recounting the 1991 arrest of a Palestinian named Sari Nusseibeh Black describes Nusseibeh as an impliedly moderate and “bookish professor” pp 274 309 According to Black the criminal charge against Nusseibeh spying was so dubious that it was “widely seen as a message to Palestinian moderates to forget about negotiations with Israel” p 309 Here the author conceals two facts First Nusseibeh was no moderate He was a political leader of the First Intifada a four year wave of Palestinian riots against Israel Second the statement that “Palestinian moderates can forget about negotiations” was voiced by Saeb Erekat a leading Palestinian negotiator It was not a “widely seen message” as the author contends4 One of Black’s inflammatory rants alleges that Palestinians in a certain village were “tortured by the Israelis” p 342 However the accompanying footnote fails to corroborate any torture It merely cites to an online Palestinian magazine interview with a Palestinian who said he had seen the “empty cells” where torture had supposedly taken place A The Cambridge Handbook of Social Problems judge would disallow Black’s testimony as double hearsay non probative and prejudicial5 Black asserts that in the 1967 war Israeli soldiers looted Palestinian homes p 188 But the underlying footnote lists an inactive website which redirects to a page saying “This site can’t be reached”6 Exploiting the stereotype that Jews have big noses Black uotes an unnamed Arab who recognized Jewish men by their “fat auiline features” p 51DENYING THE JEWISH PEOPLE THEIR RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION EG BY CLAIMING THAT THE EXISTENCE OF A STATE OF ISRAEL IS A RACIST ENDEAVOR1 Mr Black denies the Jewish right of self determination by labeling the Balfour Declaration an “injustice” p 219 The Balfour Declaration was the seminal British government pronouncement of 1917 that prompted the establishment of the State of Israel On another page Black asserts that “Israel’s independence meant ‘occupation’ for the Arabs” p157 The unfounded implication is that Israel's birth was a wrongful act2 Some anti Semites oppose Jewish self determination by pretending Jews lack a history in Palestine Black uotes a Palestinian poet who called the Jews “foreigners who had no roots in Palestine” p 197 Ironically the Jews are the only surviving indigenous people of Palestine Arab armies did not invade the region until over 1600 years after the Jews had already formed the ancient Kingdom of Israel3 Some negate Israel’s right to exist by saying the advent of Jewish statehood did harm than good Black indulges this myth by uoting an Israeli military “commander” named Mordechai Bar On Bar On said “the tragedy of the Palestinian refugees would not have occurred had the Zionists never arrived in Palestine” p130 In fact the tragedy would not have occurred had the Palestinians never waged war on their Jewish neighbors But the uote is insidious for another reason Bar On was not significant for his military service – most Israeli citizens are subject to conscription but for his later position as a leader of Peace Now a pro Palestinian lobby group Therefore Bar On’s comment on the refugees reflected a Palestinian position not an Israeli military view as Black would have us believe4 Black also implies Israel is inherently racist For example he falsely states that “Palestinian suffering flowed from the very fact of their being Palestinian” p 231 Even absurd the author suggests the popular Israeli anthem “Jerusalem of Gold” was racist because Israel’s Arabs “did not appear anywhere” in the song p 186DRAWING COMPARISONS OF CONTEMPORARY ISRAELI POLICY TO THAT OF THE NAZIS1 Mr Black believes Israeli policies towards Palestinians during the 1947 1948 war emulated Hitler’s treatment of Jews during the Holocaust One passage for example euates the expulsion of Arabs from Palestine with the expulsion of Jews from Ukraine p 145 In reality Jews were the innocent parties at both stages of history The Nazis implemented a plan of genocide against the Jews of Europe and the Jews of Palestine defended themselves from a plan of genocide by Arabs2 A similar anecdote wrongly Handbook of Psychophysiology juxtaposes the silent shame of expelled Palestinians with the grief of Holocaust survivors pp 157 58I don’t know if Ian Black is an anti Semite But his book gives anti Semitism a big boost


7 thoughts on “.com: Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017 Audible Audio Edition: Ian Black, Michael Page, Tantor Audio: Books

  1. says:

    Ian Black’s Enemies and Neighbors is an unsubstantiated character attack on Israel’s Jews.

    Mr. Black does not air his opinions expressly. But his history of the Israeli Palestinian conflict subtly champions the radical Palestinian narrative. In the process, the author does not merely criticize particular Israeli government policies. He condemns Israel as a whole and traces its supposed crimes to the Jews who predated the country’s founding. Meanwhile, his habit of displaying anti Israeli viewpoints from both Arabs and Jews is no substitute for political neutrality.

    Any fair summary of the Israeli Palestinian struggle would understandably include quotes from Palestinian extremists who hate Jews. But Black incorporates so much anti Semitic invective, so emphatically and uncritically, that he crosses the line from observer to enabler of their anti Semitic cause.

    The officially recognized definition of anti Semitism was established by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) and adopted by 31 countries, including the US, Canada, and 24 EU member states. The following recites four of the IHRA illustrations of anti Semitism and then lists the passages of Enemies and Neighbors that fit those descriptions.

    “CALLING FOR, AIDING, OR JUSTIFYING THE KILLING OR HARMING OF JEWS IN THE NAME OF A RADICAL IDEOLOGY OR AN EXTREMIST VIEW OF RELIGION.

    1. When Mr. Black explains the cause of the Israeli Palestinian dispute he relies mainly on the statements of hardline Palestinians. For example, he highlights a PLO manifesto that branded Zionism “a colonialist movement, ‘aggressive and expansionist … racist and segregationalist … fascist in its means and aims’” (p. 175). When exploring solutions to the longstanding feud, Black again spotlights pro Palestinian extremists. For example, he focuses on a Palestinian faction that strives to “‘liberate the whole of Palestine and destroy [the] colonialist Zionist occupation state’” (p. 173). As the author reemphasizes these militant Palestinian declarations he implicitly endorses them as the correct views of the conflict when they are really just ideological pretexts for annihilating Israel’s Jews.

    2. Black consistently describes terrorism in the sympathetic terms of “resistance” (e.g. pp. 177, 216, 365, 391). Nowhere does he acknowledge that the widespread murder for political gain was illegal or immoral, or that it persistently frustrated Israeli Palestinian peace talks.

    3. Mr. Black is so eager to magnify the Palestinian fanatic’s rationale for killing Jews that he recycles misconceptions of law. For example, Black quotes a Palestinian professor who said Palestinian terrorists “were justified in refusing to distinguish between civilian and military targets ….” (p. 221). In an armed conflict, the rule of “distinction” between civilian and military targets is a fundamental requirement of international humanitarian law. Further amplifying the illegitimate theme, the author quotes a Hamas militant who believes Palestinians have the “right” to inflict car bombings on Jewish civilians (p. 331). Another unlawful excuse for violence is heralded by an unnamed Palestinian “writer” who believed Egypt should attack Israel to “break ‘Israeli arrogance’ and bring peace.” (p. 231). Article 2(4) of the UN Charter prohibits a UN member state such as Egypt from using force against another member state such as Israel.

    4. Mr. Black lionizes Yasser Arafat by saying he was associated with a “myth of heroism and survival” (p. 192). He utters not a word of reproach for Arafat’s four decade reign of anti Israeli terrorism. Elsewhere the author relates the words of a “Palestinian admirer” to glorify another Palestinian terrorist leader (p. 283).

    MAKING MENDACIOUS, DEHUMANIZING, DEMONIZING, OR STEREOTYPICAL ALLEGATIONS ABOUT JEWS AS SUCH OR THE POWER OF JEWS AS COLLECTIVE [CONTROLLERS OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS].

    1. Many individuals quoted in Mr. Black’s book demonize Zionism (Jewish nationalism) as a brutally militant movement that “expelled” the Arab population of Mandatory Palestine (e.g. pp. 34, 43, 46, 62 3, 100, 116 136, 170, 197, 210). Black pushes the expulsion point aggressively, even after admitting there was no “formal policy” or “high level political discussion” to expel Arabs (pp. 116, 128). Jewish military commanders expelled tens of thousands but not hundreds of thousands of the approximately 700,000 Arabs who left the domain that became Israel, and the commanders did so in lawful defense against a genocidal Arab invasion. The 160,000 Arabs who preferred peaceful coexistence and remained in their communities received Israeli citizenship and elected Arab representatives to Israel’s first Knesset (parliament).

    2. In Black’s attempt to authenticate his expulsion story he cites the “monumental work” of a Palestinian historian, Arif al Arif (pp. 131 32). The related footnote cites to al Arif’s publication, “Nakbat Bayt al Maqdis w'al Firdaus al mafqoud.” However, a Google search reveals the “monumental work” is not available at .com, any bookstore, or any American library.

    3. Black dehumanizes Israeli Jews by quoting observers who say “the Israelis want war” (p. 307) and their leadership is “incapable of departing from the logic of war’”( p. 225). He echoes the point when recounting the 1991 arrest of a Palestinian named Sari Nusseibeh. Black describes Nusseibeh as an impliedly moderate and “bookish … professor.” (pp. 274, 309). According to Black, the criminal charge against Nusseibeh (spying) was so dubious that it was “widely seen as a message to Palestinian moderates to forget about negotiations with Israel” (p. 309). Here the author conceals two facts. First, Nusseibeh was no moderate. He was a political leader of the First Intifada, a four year wave of Palestinian riots against Israel. Second, the statement that “Palestinian moderates … can forget about negotiations” was voiced by Saeb Erekat, a leading Palestinian negotiator. It was not a “widely seen … message,” as the author contends.

    4. One of Black’s inflammatory rants alleges that Palestinians in a certain village were “tortured by the Israelis” (p. 342). However, the accompanying footnote fails to corroborate any torture. It merely cites to an online Palestinian magazine interview with a Palestinian who said he had seen the “empty cells” where torture had supposedly taken place. A judge would disallow Black’s testimony as double hearsay, non probative, and prejudicial.

    5. Black asserts that in the 1967 war Israeli soldiers looted Palestinian homes (p. 188). But the underlying footnote lists an inactive website, which redirects to a page saying, “This site can’t be reached.”

    6. Exploiting the stereotype that Jews have big noses, Black quotes an unnamed Arab who recognized Jewish men by their “fat aquiline features” (p. 51).

    DENYING THE JEWISH PEOPLE THEIR RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION, E.G. BY CLAIMING THAT THE EXISTENCE OF A STATE OF ISRAEL IS A RACIST ENDEAVOR.

    1. Mr. Black denies the Jewish right of self determination by labeling the Balfour Declaration an “injustice” (p. 219). The Balfour Declaration was the seminal British government pronouncement of 1917 that prompted the establishment of the State of Israel. On another page, Black asserts that “Israel’s independence meant ‘occupation’ … for the Arabs” (p.157). The unfounded implication is that Israel's birth was a wrongful act.

    2. Some anti Semites oppose Jewish self determination by pretending Jews lack a history in Palestine. Black quotes a Palestinian poet who called the Jews “foreigners who had no roots in [Palestine]” (p. 197). Ironically, the Jews are the only surviving indigenous people of Palestine. Arab armies did not invade the region until over 1,600 years after the Jews had already formed the ancient Kingdom of Israel.

    3. Some negate Israel’s right to exist by saying the advent of Jewish statehood did harm than good. Black indulges this myth by quoting an Israeli military “commander” named Mordechai Bar On. Bar On said, “the tragedy [of the Palestinian refugees] would not have occurred had the Zionists never arrived in Palestine” (p.130). In fact, the tragedy would not have occurred had the Palestinians never waged war on their Jewish neighbors. But the quote is insidious for another reason. Bar On was not significant for his military service – most Israeli citizens are subject to conscription but for his later position as a leader of Peace Now, a pro Palestinian lobby group. Therefore, Bar On’s comment on the refugees reflected a Palestinian position, not an Israeli military view, as Black would have us believe.

    4. Black also implies Israel is inherently racist. For example, he falsely states that “Palestinian suffering flowed from the very fact of their being Palestinian” (p. 231). Even absurd, the author suggests the popular Israeli anthem “Jerusalem of Gold” was racist because Israel’s Arabs “did not appear anywhere” in the song (p. 186).

    DRAWING COMPARISONS OF CONTEMPORARY ISRAELI POLICY TO THAT OF THE NAZIS.

    1. Mr. Black believes Israeli policies towards Palestinians during the 1947 1948 war emulated Hitler’s treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. One passage, for example, equates the expulsion of Arabs from Palestine with the expulsion of Jews from Ukraine (p. 145). In reality, Jews were the innocent parties at both stages of history. The Nazis implemented a plan of genocide against the Jews of Europe, and the Jews of Palestine defended themselves from a plan of genocide by Arabs.

    2. A similar anecdote wrongly juxtaposes the silent shame of expelled Palestinians with the grief of Holocaust survivors (pp. 157 58).

    I don’t know if Ian Black is an anti Semite. But his book gives anti Semitism a big boost.


  2. says:

    Several people have criticized the supposed anti Jewish or anti Israeli bias of author. There is no doubt that Ian Black favors the Palestinians, and his positions are clear throughout the book. However this does does not deter from the significant value of Black's book.He makes use of a wide variety of sources, from Jews, Arabs, and others, and he certainly criticizes the Palestinians when appropriate. What is valuable about the book is that it takes into account so many aspects of the conflict, with their many ramifications, and uses deep and broad research and reading to support this conclusions. So, the author has a point of view, and at times it made me shake my head critically, but Black does a good job in illuminating the conflict. Even those who know quite a bit about the conflict and how it has developed over time, will learn from this book. The writing is fluid and interesting. A strength of the book is that Black makes use of fiction and poetry from Palestinians and Jews, which enriches his narrative. A book worth reading, even if you disagree with Ian Black's specific arguments or his general point of view.


  3. says:

    It’s pretty hard to write or read about the Israeli Palestinian conflict without politics getting involved. Someday, maybe there will be histories of the conflict that are regarded as neutral and objective, but I don’t think that would be possible today. In any event, Ian Black hasn’t written one. He doesn’t say so explicitly, but it seems pretty clear that he supports the Palestinian cause, at least in general. He believes, or seems to believe, that Zionism was incompatible from the start with Palestinian sovereignty and that the Palestinians were therefore justified in resisting the creation and entrenchment of the Jewish state. He quotes Palestinian and liberal Israeli thinkers and politicians respectfully, but he can’t fully hide his disdain for conservative or expansionist Israelis. He’s evocative in his descriptions of the suffering of the dispossessed Palestinians than of the Israeli victims of terrorism. But none of this means that he’s written a bad book. On the contrary, it’s an excellent book. It’s thoroughly researched and well written. It sets out the long history of the conflict at a very good level of detail: enough facts that the reader can form his or her own opinion, but not so detailed that the reader gets lost. As for the politics, like I wrote before, you’ll never escape from politics in a book on this subject. For those who agree with Black’s politics, presumably you’ll like his book, but you might want to supplement it with some pro Israeli writings. And for those who disagree with Black’s politics, that’s not necessarily a good reason to avoid his book.


  4. says:

    Terrible book. I couldn't finish it. I was looking for an unbiased, honest narrative of the horrible situation in Israel and the West Bank. There are faults on both sides, too many and too much time has passed for me to be fully knowledgeable that is why I chose to read this book.

    A critic was quoted as saying this was the most fair and unbiased report available. He/she needs to look into a new living. Either that, or this person is of the same political and ethnic background as the author. Everything possible that has happened in the last 4,000 years in every way has been the fault of the Jews/Israelis. The author has twisted actual facts and historical beliefs to fit his obvious malice. Like I said, I couldn't finish the book, but I read many statements from other readers, and saw no reason to believe he changed his tune. I only wish I had read them before I purchased the book.


  5. says:

    Well written, extremely detailed history of the conflict. Although I should say that this is not for beginners just learning about the conflict, as it is too complex and back and forth. Better for someone familiarizing themselves with the situation. Overall would recommend


  6. says:

    Great historical details thorough informative


  7. says:

    The publication of this book coincides with the 100 years of the 1917 Balfour declaration by which the British government committed to “support the establishment of a national home for Jewish people in Palestine”. Palestine was not for the British government to give away, but Britain and France were planning to carve the Ottoman Empire in the Middle East and share its pieces between themselves. The Balfour declaration was intended to stake the British claim for a mandate on Palestine. The declaration gave a boost to the Zionist movement and Jewish immigration in Palestine, and led to growing conflicts between Jewish settlers and the Arab population. In 1917, the British believed that their empire would last 500 years; in 1947, the empire was gone and the end of the British mandate was anything but glorious. Incapable of stopping the violence between Jews and Arabs, Britain simply walked out. The United Nations proposed a plan to partition Palestine between Jews and Arabs that was rejected by the governments of Arab countries. The armies of the surrounding Arab states moved to take over Palestine, and to the general surprise were soundly defeated by the Israelis. Arabs ran away and abandoned their homes in the territory controlled by Israel: they would never be allowed to come back. When a ceasefire was declared, Israel had a much larger and viable territory than that proposed by the UN partition plan. The Arabs of Palestine ended up in the Gaza strip controlled by Egypt, and the West Bank controlled by Transjordan (now Jordan). For the next two decades, Israel had to defend against infiltrations and attacks by Fedayeen, mostly masterminded by Egypt. Following the Suez Canal crisis, Israel colluded with France and Britain to attack Egypt. It turned out to be a total military victory for Israel but a complete political fiasco for France and Britain. Israel evacuated the Sinai; in return, Egypt curbed the Fedayeen activity. Ten years later, Egypt raised the stakes again. The 1967 six days war was a stunning victory for Israel who, after defeating the armies of Egypt, Jordan, and Syria, took control of the entire West Bank and the Sinai. The military victory was a curse in disguise for Israel: it did not resolve the conflict but stoke the fire for another 50 years of violence. Arab states, Egypt and Jordan, eventually made peace with Israel. Arabs in the west bank economically benefitted from Israeli occupation but refuges in Arab states were not allowed to return and kept vowing the destruction of Israel. For 50 years, one step toward peace was followed by two steps backwards, to the delight of ultras on both sides.
    The book gives a fairly balanced account of the history of this irreducible conflict, perhaps with a slight Palestinian bias. It does not excuse terror but it does not hide the brutality of Israel’s response and of the occupation of the West Bank. The main weakness of the book is that the international context is barely sketched. It shows how the people on both sides have been deceived by political leaders who never dared compromise, the Palestinians even so than the Israelis. One can only wish that both sides will draw the line under 100 years of war and violence. Tragically, there is very little hope that they will.